Understanding Social Stratification: The Historical Divide in Sociology

One of sociology’s core focuses has always been the study of social stratification—the way society is divided into layers or strata based on factors like wealth, occupation, education, and power. Changes in how social stratification is studied reflect sociology’s broader trends over the decades. From its origins to modern times, this study has evolved as sociologists grappled with understanding and explaining what social stratification means for individuals and societies.

Early sociologists, including Max Weber, initially believed that the United States, unlike Europe, was a classless society with high upward mobility. However, during the Great Depression, Robert and Helen Lynd’s 1937 study of Middletown revealed a deep divide between the working and business classes, emphasizing that social divisions were alive. These findings challenged the idea that the U.S. was truly a classless society. By 1941, sociologists like W. Lloyd Warner from Harvard found that American society was divided into six distinct social strata: the upper-upper, lower-upper, upper-middle, lower-middle, upper-lower, and lower-lower classes. This showed that social class in the U.S. was alive and deeply embedded in daily life.

Power vs. Status in Social Stratification

In 1953, Floyd Hunter shifted the focus of stratification sociology away from social status and toward power. His study of Atlanta, Georgia, revealed that a small group of people—what we might now call a power elite—had control over urban politics. This idea was expanded in C. Wright Mills’ 1956 work, which argued that a similar elite group in Washington, D.C., dominated the national agenda, comprised of leaders from business, government, and the military. This approach highlighted how social stratification was not just about socioeconomic class but also about who holds power in society.

Social Stratification and Occupational Status

Between the 1960s and 1980s, a different model of socioeconomic stratification gained traction in sociology. William H. Sewell, at the University of Wisconsin, pioneered the “attainment model,” which measured how individuals achieved occupational status. Sociologists like Peter M. Blau and Otis Dudley Duncan used this model to analyze how occupational status was passed down from generation to generation, focusing on the educational achievements of fathers and their sons. This approach quantified the distance between fathers’ and sons’ socioeconomic status, helping to explain what social stratification is and how it affects social mobility.

Gerhard Lenski’s evolutionary theory of social stratification, introduced in his 1966 book Power and Privilege, took a broader societal view. Lenski argued that different forms of production—whether hunting, agriculture, or industry—were tied to different stratification systems. This theory showed that social stratification was not static; it changed as societies evolved, yet it remained a powerful force throughout human history.

Gender, Race, and the Reconstruction of Stratification Theory

By the 1970s, traditional theories of social stratification in sociology were being heavily revised to account for gender and race. Rae Lesser Blumberg, for instance, examined gender inequality and its roots in economic and social systems. At the same time, Janet Saltzman Chafetz incorporated psychological and sociological factors in her integrated theory of gender equity. Stratification sociology expanded to consider how institutional inequalities based on gender and race shaped individuals’ lives, further challenging old ideas about what stratification meant.

In the realm of racial inequality, William Julius Wilson’s 1987 book The Truly Disadvantaged explored how segregation and economic disorganization maintained deep disparities within African American communities. As social stratification studies became more specialized, focusing on gender, race, and Marxism, the field became a complex landscape of theories and models aimed at understanding the persistence of inequality.

Class, Labor Markets, and Social Groups

Eric Olin Wright introduced a 12-class scheme in his 1985 book Classes, which categorized individuals based on job ownership, control over work, and monopolistic knowledge. Influenced by Marxist thought, Wright’s approach criticized the individualistic focus of the attainment model, showing how income inequality was shaped by the social positions people held within the larger system of capitalism. Similarly, William Form’s Divided We Stand (1985) examined labor markets and found deep divisions within the working class, further highlighting that social stratification was not just about economic differences but also about power and control within specific industries.

The Decline of Community Studies and Rise of Large-Scale Surveys

Despite the early popularity of ethnographic community studies in the mid-20th century, these methods were largely abandoned by the 1970s. Large-scale surveys and analyses of government data replaced studies like those conducted by Hunter, Warner, and the Lynds. These shifts marked a new era in sociology, where quantitative methods and data from socioeconomic stratification studies took precedence over smaller, community-focused research.

Sociology in a Global Context

After World War II, sociology expanded to include historical and political analysis, especially in studying institutions like education, welfare, religion, and the military. Scholars like Charles Tilly and Jack Goldstone focused on revolutions and social movements, helping to create structural theories about how societies change over time. This broadened the field and brought new interdisciplinary approaches to sociology.

Political sociology, for instance, explored the social basis of voting behavior and decision-making in different governments. However, ideological divides emerged, with some sociologists claiming that decisions were made democratically and pluralistically, while others argued that a small elite controlled the process. Eventually, political scientists took over these studies, but sociology’s influence in understanding power structures remained significant.

Social Movements and Societal Change

The study of social movements also became deeply integrated into sociology, particularly from the 1970s onward. Sociologists began to look beyond how movements started and instead focused on their long-term consequences for societal change. For instance, the impact of the New Deal, the rise and fall of women’s rights movements, and revolutions were all studied to understand how collective action affected social stratification and inequality.

This led to a more nuanced understanding of social stratification and how power dynamics within social groups could reinforce or challenge societal structures. Researchers also investigated how different nations responded to political changes and how social movements adapted over time.

The Interplay Between Sociology and Economics

As sociology expanded to include the study of labor markets and business behavior, it began to borrow more and more from economics. Sociologists examined socioeconomic stratification by examining race, ethnicity, gender, unionization, and education. James S. Coleman’s 1990 work Foundations of Social Theory was a prime example of how economic models were applied to sociological research. His work suggested that individuals made rational choices in all areas of social life, offering a framework for understanding how economic behavior and social stratification were deeply intertwined.

The Divide Between Qualitative and Quantitative Sociology

A notable division has persisted in sociology between qualitative and quantitative research. Unlike its European counterpart, American sociology often focused on individuals as the primary unit of analysis. Sociologists in the U.S. used data to categorize individuals into social groups—like income classes or occupations—and then examined how these groups related. This method, while not explicitly psychological, heavily emphasized individual characteristics rather than broader social structures.

On the other hand, a minority of sociologists, particularly those in fields like demography and human ecology, have focused on analyzing groups, organizations, and entire social structures. These scholars sought to understand how societal systems created and maintained social stratification, offering a broader view of inequality.

The Impact of Symbolic Interactionism and Ethnomethodology

Symbol interactionism was another significant branch of sociology, especially in the early 20th century. This approach, championed by John Dewey, George Mead, and Charles Cooley, argued that the self is shaped by how we interact with others and perceive how others see us. This social process, they argued, was at the heart of human behavior.

Later, scholars like Erving Goffman and Harold Garfinkel expanded these ideas. Goffman’s The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life (1959) explored how people manage their impressions in daily social interactions. Garfinkel’s ethnomethodology focused on individuals’ methods to construct their social reality. These qualitative approaches showed how social stratification could be understood through the meanings and symbols people used in their everyday lives.

Challenges Facing Contemporary Sociology

In recent decades, sociology has had to contend with challenges, particularly as it has shared much of its theory and methodology with other disciplines like economics and political science. Some fields, like the study of human relations, were absorbed into business schools, while sociological perspectives on socialization and stratification were often taught in education departments.

Despite these challenges, sociology remains a vibrant and evolving field. The study of social stratification—whether through quantitative surveys or qualitative ethnographies—continues to provide essential insights into how societies are structured and how inequality persists.

The Future of Social Stratification in Sociology

As sociology advances, the study of social stratification will likely continue to play a central role in understanding human societies. Questions about social stratification and how socioeconomic and power structures shape individuals’ lives will remain relevant, especially as global inequality, gender disparities, and racial divisions continue to challenge sociologists.

Although divided along lines of methodology—qualitative versus quantitative—both approaches offer valuable insights into what social stratification means and how it affects social mobility, power, and individual opportunities. Whether through large-scale surveys, ethnographic studies, or interdisciplinary approaches, the future of sociology will undoubtedly keep evolving as it addresses the persistent inequalities of the world.

In conclusion, sociology’s contributions to understanding social stratification have been profound. From its early roots in studying class systems to its modern focus on gender, race, and labor markets, sociology has helped us understand what stratification is and why it matters. As the field continues to grow and adapt, it will remain an essential tool for unpacking the complexities of human society and addressing the enduring issue of inequality.